Qualitative Research Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Qualitative Research - Essay Example The reason why qualitative research method is used is because of its ease of use over quantitate research method. For instance, measuring human emotions through quantitative research would be very difficult. However there are tools available in qualitative research method where people can even incorporate human emotions and feelings in their analysis. When using qualitative research methodology, the conclusion of the study is a mere proposition, an informed assertion. There is no ‘hence proved’ at the end of the study. This is where quantitative study comes in. If the proposition deduced by qualitative research needs to be proven or at least get a more concrete support, the proposition can be analysed/qualified with quantitative research. Empirical support can be used from quantitative method to support qualitative conclusion. However this approach is discredited by Oxford University professor Bent Flyvbjerg. According to Flyvbjerg, qualitative research methodology can b e used, both for hypotheses testing and going beyond the limit of generalizing limited case studies (Flyvbjerg, 2006). Strengths of Qualitative Research Here are some of the strengths of qualitative research; a) Data is based on participants’ own meanings and interpretations b) In-depth study becomes relatively easy in qualitative research however the number of cases can’t be too large c) When complex phenomena are being studied it is helpful to use qualitative method d) It provides information on individual cases e) Can conduct cross-case comparisons and analysis f) It provides an understanding of personal experiences of people. g) It can describe the phenomena in rich detail as it embosses in local context. h) The examiner can study active processes, for instance documenting sequential patterns and alterations. i) The examiner almost always classifies contextual and setting factors as they link with the portent of interest. j) Primarily qualitative method of grounded theory can be used by the investigator to generate a cautious but elaborate theory about the phenomenon under study (Johnson & Christensen, 2000). 2. Interpretivism   Interpretivism is a concept in sociology that the method of investigation applied to the natural world may not be applicable to the social realm. In other words, scientists and investigators must discard empirical evidence and scientific method social research. This aspect of interpretivism is also called Anti-positivism, which holds that scientists need to focus on the interpretations of social sciences in understanding the people being studied (Gerber, John J. Macionis, Linda M., 2011). Interpretivism is a term that has two contexts i.e. legal and social. In the philosophy of law, Interpretivism is a school of thought which claims that a) Law and morality do have their differences but they cannot be separated. b) Law is not inherent in nature and legal values cannot exist without legal practice. c) Law is not a gi ven set of conventions and data (Wikipedia Contributors, 2012). In social sciences, Interpretivism or Anti-positivism is a view which claims that social realm may not be subject to the investigative methods of natural world. It proposes that in order to conduct social research, researchers must abandon the scientific method and focus on the personal interpretation of social actions of the people under study. In today’

Examining The Knowledge Of Working With Vulnerable Adults Social Work Essay

Examining The Knowledge Of Working With Vulnerable Adults Social Work Essay Within my assignment I will demonstrate my knowledge and understanding of safeguarding and critically explore safeguarding and what this means in the context of working in social care today, and the impact on my role as a newly qualified social worker. I will refer to adults with a learning disability in order to examine some of the issues and dilemmas that may occur. I will examine these areas within Thompsons PCS model (Thompson,1997) in order to reflect the intricacies and dilemmas with safeguarding adults. Although anti discriminatory practice and anti oppressive practice are often interchanged with each other, Braye and Preston- Shoot(2005) maintain that they are very different. Anti discriminatory practice challenges discrimination within a very clearly defined framework whereas anti oppressive practice is about challenging values and beliefs. According to Thompson(1997) oppression can be examined using a model that considers (P) personal (C) cultural and (S) structural, the PCS Model. This model examines oppression on 3 levels. Personal is regarding and individual, their views, beliefs and actions. Cultural is the community level and structural is regarding the socio-political and institutional level. Only by understanding power and control can we practice in anti oppressive way, by challenging the power structures on all levels personal, cultural and structural. People with learning disabilities have been a marginalised and oppressed group who have constantly struggled for their voices to be heard. Pam Evans cited by Swain et al(1993)identified assumptions made by non disabled people which included ideas that disabled people want to achieve normal behaviour; resent able bodied people and never give up hope of a cure(p.102).These assumptions are based on personal beliefs, borne out of cultural ideas of disability and structurally based philosophies of disability. The medical model of disability has been the predominant model in understanding disability(Swain el al,2003) from incarceration in hospitals and in some respects to services provision today. These responses have only served to re-inforce beliefs of disability such as those Pam Evans discovered. Although there was growing concern amongst civil rights movements regarding the medical model, Mike Oliver(1983) coined the phrase social model of disability. This social model of disability l ed to a shift in thinking about disabilities, that it was societal attitudes that were disabling rather than matters relating to the individual capabilities(Swain et al,1993). Although the social model of disability is the accepted model particularly within social welfare the doctrine of the medical model is not easy to unlearn. Although on a structural level there have been changes in legislation and policy such as Disability Discrimination Act 1995; Community Care (Direct Payments) Act 1996; Human Rights Act 1998; Mental Capacity Act 2005 and Valuing People 2001.Putting these changes in to practice from a personal and cultural perspective is more complex and this is typified in safeguarding. . The term vulnerable has become synonymous with safeguarding. The immediate connotations when using the word vulnerable are stark. It immediately suggests weakness, helplessness and the person is at danger or at risk(Williams,2006). Crawford and Walker(2008) also recognised that there are significant risk factors when exploring vulnerability the person is usually socially isolated, the person has previously been at risk of abuse and requires practical and / or emotional support. In the policy document No Secrets(DOH,2000) there was an initial recognition that some groups of adults were more likely to experience abuse and the term vulnerable adult was used as a definition of the groups potentially at greater risk. Although there has been a shift to try to better understand the term vulnerable adult The Association of Directors of Social Care (2005) wrote in their policy framework document they include adults with physical, sensory and mental impairments and learning disabilities(p.4) they continue.. when an adult in this group is experiencing abuse or neglect this will have a significant impact on their independence, health and wellbeing.(ADSS,2005,p.4).Yet I would argue anyone who experiences abuse or neglect, there would be significant impact on their health and well being and we should be striving to ensure all individuals safety. Martin(REFERENCE) also suggests that this link with safeguarding and vulnerability and illustrates this well. Often the link with safeguarding and vulnerable adults, is with specific groups of individuals people with disabilities, older adults etc. increasing the stereotypical view of groups and so increasing discrimination and oppression(Williams,2006). Whilst t he shift in policy documents is from protection to safeguarding vulnerability and its use is still debated. In October 2008 the Government launched a review of the No Secrets guidance. This guidance originally came in, in an attempt to give guidance to local agencies who have a responsibility to investigate and take action when a vulnerable adult is believed to be suffering abuse.(DOH,2000 p.7) It was intended to utilise good practice locally and nationally and offer a structure for the improvement of inter-agency policies, procedures and joint protocols. There are a range of barriers which impede good interagency working Different core functions; cultures and practices between agencies; lack of clarity in lines of authority and decision-making; historical or current rivalries between agencies; different and conflicting social policy or legislation; lack of clarity about why agencies are involved and poor communication (Edwards et al, 2009).The repeated missed opportunities of inter agency working have resulted in disastrous outcomes for many individuals, despite the repeated findings of investigations(Flynn,2007;Bichard Report 2004;Lord Laming Report, 2009), inter agency working has been a constant blight in social welfare. As a practitioner I acutely aware of the challenges and the importance of partnership working, as well as the devastating impact resulting in deaths and shattered lives if we fail in this arena. Some consider that there is a lack of legislation which directly covers safeguarding adults(Action on Elder Abuse,2009 and The Law Society,2009). In an article in Community Care (July,2009) Despite legislative reform being highlighted as a key area by respondents of the No Secrets review the Government have failed to implement specific legislation regarding safeguarding and the protection of adults. Some would argue there is a growing need for specific legislation regarding safeguarding. The recent report from Action on Elder Abuse(2009) to the consultation review of No Secrets(DOH,2000) there was an overwhelming request for legislation specific to safeguarding. Whilst others feel there is a lesser need than in childrens legislation, which is specific about statutory duties and responsibilities of local authorities regarding safeguarding, another arm of the debate is there have been missed opportunities to link and use current legislation effectively(Pritchard,2008). Legislative reform has universally followed from child protection and child safeguarding. In recent years, the government has taken steps to progressively tighten up the law in this area. The law in this area has often been introduced as a reaction to events and as a result is viewed by some to lack coherence(The Law Society, 2009). Recent changes have occurred in order to address some of the gaps perceived. The recent introduction of the Safeguarding Vulnerable Groups Act 2006 is an example of legislative change that was a direct result of the murders of Holly Wells and Jessica Chapman. The perpetrator, Ian Huntley had a history of contact with police but a catalogue of system wide communication errors and intelligence sharing errors were identified (Bichard,2004).But as with any system, it is only as good as those who use it, and often investigations find it is not the procedure or system but those who use it who are at fault. Sir Michael Bichard(2004) who headed the inquiry into t he Soham murders stated there were flaws in the system for creating records as well as the guidance and training offered to those inputting and deleting information. Cornwall hit the headlines with the case of Steven Hoskin who was murdered in 2006.Flynn(2008) described systemic failures of agencies to recognise Steven Hoskin as vulnerable adult and share information for a co-ordinated approach of intervention. In 2006 the government introduced the Safeguarding Vulnerable Groups Act 2006, which laid the foundation for the new Independent Safeguarding Authority, which has enabled the introduction of the vetting and barring scheme(H.M Government, 2006). The new vetting and barring scheme may to some extent be rendered ineffective as a result of the recent expansion of the European Union. Unrestricted working rights means a more mobile workforce and for some there are no formal procedures to require notification or registration of matters occurring in individuals home countries, that would have required notification to the Independent Safeguarding Authority had they occurred in the UK(Soret,2009). In Scotland in 2007 specific legislation was introduced but this is still yet to be proved as improving safeguarding. Some professionals in Scotland believe there are still those dilemmas about rights and risks(REFERENCE) that some in England feel would be addressed with legislation. Interestingly it isnt just the professionals that feel the legislative changes dont go far enough. Advocacy groups such as Action on Elder Abuse and The National Autistic Society are just two of the organisations calling for tighter legislation on safeguarding. Action on Elder Abuse refers to some key issues regarding the No Secrets review regarding timescales; sharing information; key responsibilities and recognition of some of the complexities and circumstances surrounding abuse and call for a system which recognised these complexities(REFERENCE). The newest dimension to safeguarding adults has been the eruption of personalisation. Duffy and Gillespie(2009) maintain that personalisation will make people safer. They maintain by strengthening citizenship and reducing social isolation will reduce risk and by empowering people to take control of their lives enables people to increase their resilience. Personalisation also challenges the cultural and structural concepts, particularly misconceptions of groups of individuals such as people with learning disabilities. Rather than maintaining the medical model of disability where it is perceived a person with a learning disability has difficulties simply because of their cognitive functioning, it highlights the social model of disability where a persons needs are not well catered for by societal structures(William, 2006). This is probably the area which is currently leading to much debate and discussion particularly in the area of support for adults with learning disabilities as this is where the ethos of self directed support was born(REFERENCE).There are numerous arguments currently being circulated regarding the perceived risks of individuals and families being in control of their service provision in whatever format they choose(REFERENCE) and the decisions people can make regarding checking and therefore reducing the influence and control from statutory servicers. I believe that the current tension is borne out of a misrepresentation of personalisation. Fitzgerald(2009) cited in Community Care magazine(2009) that personalisation has been viewed simply as cash for care, rather than from the principle of seeking to ensure that an individual is in control of their life, as much as anyone can be. This coupled with the view that safeguarding and personalisation are opposing viewpoints is causing the dilemmas of personalisation. The narrow focus on cash for care models is preventing the much wider debate about citizenship rights in the context of social and health care. Consequently, we must start from the premise that any support package or service must be as safe as possible, constructed with a full understanding of the nature of abuse, its dynamics, and the factors that may give rise to it. That is not the same as removing risk, because to do so would make living impossible. If we are committed to safeguarding then risk reduction is vital. We must refrain from individualistic concepts of risk through the notion of vulnerability. Instead of focusing solely on the protection of vulnerable individuals, we must see beyond vulnerability and aim to eliminate conditions that create risk. Interventions should be enabling and widespread, targeting social processes that are responsible for the creation of risk(REFERENCE). The focus on impairment as the main risk factor to abuse entails elements of a medical model approach to disability. This is too narrow a focus, but an ecological approach, takes into account both the individual and social causes of risk and of the interactions between them. Social model researchers and practitioners suggest that the safest way of protecting people with learning disabilities is to enable them to increase their self determination(McCarthy, 1999; McCarthy and Thompson, 1996; Hingsburger,1995). Self determination is shaped through s ocial interactions and citizenship providing a tool for identifying areas for effective risk prevention interventions. We need to be clear that rights to choice and control are not irreconcilable with a right to protection. After all each citizen has rights, choices and control and equally have recourse within the law should protection be required. It is perilous to imply that safeguarding and personalisation are opposed or in conflict. People cannot organise their own care and support, or accept such care and support, if they do not feel safe and consequently a personalisation approach must have safeguarding as an integral part of its operation. Not because a person is classified as vulnerable, or because a person requires community care services, or has a learning disability but because ethically and morally for the sake of social justice it is the right thing to do.

Lebanon and its main problems Essay -- essays research papers fc

Lebanon Lebanon is a Middle Eastern country that is delimitated to the west by the Mediterranean and to the east by the Syro-African Depression. Lebanon borders Syria to the north and to the east, and Israel in the south. Lebanon’s climate is â€Å"Mediterranean†; mild to cool, wet winters, and hot, dry summers. Some of Lebanon’s natural resources are the limestone, salt, water and iron ore. Like any other country there are natural hazards such as dust storms and sandstorms. [ Population pressures: growth, urbanization, immigration. Lebanon’s population consists of 3, 777, 218 (this data is from July, 2004) Age structure:  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  ~ 0-14 years: 26.9% (male 517,356; female 496,888)   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   2004 estimation* ~ 15-64 years: 66.3% (male 1,197,430; female 1,305,339)   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   ~ 65 years and over: 6.9% (male 117,930; female 142,275) Median age: total: 26.9 years male: 25.9 years female: 27.9 years (2004 est.) Population growth rate: 1.3% (2004 est.) Birth rate: 19.31 births/1,000 population (2004 est.) Death rate: 6.28 deaths/1,000 population (2004 est.) Net migration rate: 0 migrant(s)/1,000 population (2004 est.) Sex ratio: at birth: 1.05 male(s)/female under 15 years: 1.04 male(s)/female 15-64 years: 0.92 male(s)/female 65 years and over: 0.83 male(s)/female Total population: 0.94 male(s)/female   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Infant mortality rate: total: 25.48 deaths/1,000 live births male: 28.21 deaths/1,000 live births female: 22.61 deaths/1,000 live births (2004 est.) Life expectancy at birth: total population: 72.35 years   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   male: 69.91 years  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   female: 74.91 years Total fertility rate: 1.95 children born/woman (2004 est.) [ Economic issues: The Lebanese economy is â€Å"service-oriented: main growth sectors include banking and tourism†. There are no limitations on foreign exchange or capital movement, and â€Å"bank secrecy† is strictly enforced. Lebanon recently adopted a law to combat ‘money laundering’. Moreo... ...clared this region not to be Lebanese territory, but Lebanese resistance occasionally launches attacks against Israeli positions within it. dPossible steps to solve the conflict: The country has been able to recover from the effects of civil war throughout the years thanks to tourism. Moreover some other ways for Lebanon to recover would be foreign investment; other companies establishing their businesses in Lebanon. War in Lebanon ended in 1989 due to the â€Å"Taif-Agreement† sponsored by the ‘Arab League’. And in September 2, 2004; the United Nations Security Council, approved the â€Å"Resolution 1559† which demanded total withdrawal of Syria from Lebanon. Another fact is that since there are many Palestinians in Lebanon their civil rights cannot be granted because of problems in the past. Furthermore Palestinians could be useful for Lebanon’s economic issues if they are allowed to improve their economic and social situation; in other words integrate them. Nevertheless Palestinians have to conform to the Lebanese democratic traditions. BIBLIOGRAPHY: ~ http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lebanon ~ http://www.arts.mcgill.ca/mepp/PRRN/papers/haddad.html ~ CNN news

Peel’s Policies Toward Irealnd Essay

Peel’s policies towards Ireland seem to swing backwards and forwards over the period 1829-46; he supported Catholic emancipation in 1829, yet his policy of coercion seems distinctly repressive, and this was then followed by conciliation, which could be considered reforming. Peel had to tread a thin line between firmness and assertion of authority without alienating any potential Catholic support. However, on balance we can consider that his policies were more reforming than repressive. Peel’s support of Catholic emancipation in 1829 shows the reforming side of his policy. He supported it against a huge amount of scepticism from his own party and did it in the belief that it was for the good of the union – he thought it was a greater risk to refuse to satisfy their demands than to grant them. However, the restriction that Catholic emancipation placed on the franchise meant that it carried with reform an element of repression. Peel’s Tamworth Manifesto of 1834 showed moderate support for reform, but did not commit the Tory party to anything and certainly didn’t advocate anything on the scale of Catholic emancipation. Peel’s early reformist attitude had all but disappeared by the 1841 election, where his party emphasised their traditional position as the defenders of the established Church. During his second ministry, Peel’s policy of Coercion was clearly quite repressive. Faced with a problem in Ireland that he considered a greater threat to British Authority than Chartism had ever posed, he made an announcement in parliament that he would ‘crush any attempt to break the union with armed force.’ This aggressive statement was the start of Peel’s more repressive policy in Ireland. The Irish Arms act of 1843, which gave the Authorities in Ireland greater powers and banned Catholics from owning guns, was very stringent and can therefore be considered repressive, but it can be seen that it was a necessary move in order to prevent more violence in Ireland. Peel’s decision t ban the meeting at Clontarf can also be seen as repressive. O’Connell had organised many large scale demonstrations before which had not been seen to pose a significant threat, but the British government interpreted it as an incitement to illegality. Over half a million people were expected to turn up and the government knew about it well in advance; however by banning it just the day before it was due to take place, Peel dealt a heavy blow to O’Connell. Thousands of Irish people were already on their way to the demonstration and O’Connell had to tell them all to turn back. On top of this, despite not having done anything illegal, O’Connell was then arrested for sedition, tried and found guilty by an all protestant jury. This is perhaps the most openly repressive thing that Peel did in the period. This incident proved to be the turning point in O’Connell’ political career; despite later being released from prison he never regained his full authority and subsequently his repeal movement began to fall apart. This was a clear victory for Peel’s defence of the union, and gave him great support within the Conservative Party. However, Peel was convinced that a population that was more than 80% Catholic could not be coerced indefinitely and in early 1844 asserted that whilst the union itself was still the overriding objective, ‘Equality of treatment for Protestant and Catholic Citizens was necessary’ so that the Irish middle classes could be persuaded of the benefits of it. Peel’s plan of conciliation sought to improve relations and win this crucial support within Ireland. The first step that showed Peel taking a more reforming line was to remove the staunch protestant defender de Gray as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. He was replaced by Lord Heytesbury, who was happy to follow Peel’s policy of giving Catholics equal opportunities in government. This showed not just willingness for change, but also would eventually lead to more Catholics in the civil service and magistracy; thereby lessening the chance that disaffected Irishmen would turn to the Nationalist cause instead. This willingness for change was shown again in the setting up of the Devon Commission. Setting it up in the first place was an act of great courage – the opinion of the time was that it was a landlord’s right to do as he wished without interference – and therefore shows a real attempt at reform by Peel, although it never came to fruition. Peel further tried to win over the Irish Catholics with the charitable bequests bill of 1844. It plainly displayed the goodwill of Peel’s administration to the Catholic Church. Peel saw the support of the Irish Catholic Church as something incredibly important; it had an essentially conservative nature and there was no ideological reason why its support should be blocked, as it wasn’t linked to the nationalists or revolutionaries, and therefore Peel thought it important for them to be ‘on-side’. This religious aspect was further tackled in the Maynooth Bill. He was convinced that in its current state, Maynooth was attracting the wrong sort, and by giving money for its improvement and increasing its annual grants, he was not only showing a positive attitude to the Catholic Church, but also ensuring that the new priests were not likely to support the revolutionaries or nationalists. Peel’s Irish Colleges Bill continued this programme of reform by setting up un-sectarian colleges, with the aim of ensuring that there would be more educated Catholics who would be eligible for the newly available jobs in the Civil service. However, this was in the face of requests for Catholic colleges from the priests, something that Peel flatly refused to consider. With the coming of the potato famine in 1845, Peel found even greater problems in Ireland, which lead to further reform. Peel’s worry about the dependency on the potato was justified, and many people in Ireland were starving. Peel made the decision to try and repeal the Corn Laws. He faced huge opposition from his own party at the suggestion, yet the Bill was passed with Whig support. This is the most reforming one of Peel’s policies towards Ireland; however, there is the suggestion that his hand was forced politically. Overall, the evidence suggests that although there were some repressive elements to Peel’s Irish policy, namely the period of Coercion, the majority of his policy can be considered as more reforming, as he acted to try and change and improve the conditions in Ireland and the relationships between Britain and Ireland. This is shown by Peel’s reasoning that in order to preserve the Union (which was to him the most important matter), the Irish would have to be treated fairly and be shown the benefits of it.

Impact of the Internet

The Internet has dramatically altered our lives over the past few decades. Although some of these changes have been negative, the overall effect of this technology has been positive. What are your opinions on this? The Internet is one of the most wonderful inventions of human beings. Through periods of ten years, every people on the Earth have been being influenced by the global network. In my view, I strongly believe that the main impact of this technology is very good although it still has some bad sides. It is apparent that the Internet makes our lives better in some different ways.Firstly, this technology helps us to keep in touch with friends, colleagues, and relatives from anywhere. People around the world can speak face-to-face by just one click with almost free cost. Nowadays, we can follow every activity of others through some social networks, such as Facebook, Google Plus, and so on. Secondly, this is a marvelous tool for education. The Internet is a huge resource of knowle dge of human beings from ancient to the modern time. With a computer connected to this network, we can learn everything which we want to know.For instance, my brother-in-law attended an economic analyzing course held by Harvard University from Vietnam through the Internet. Finally, it supports every work which we have to do. We can do our business conveniently if we use this technology. For example, a manager can manage his project from another place. With the supporting of the Internet, we can easily book a ticket for airplane, pay for electric bills, and even shopping from our home. However, everything has two sides, and the Internet is not an exception. The first significant drawback of this change is that it makes people lazier.As the Internet is very attractive with many exciting things, people do not have time for physical activities. Therefore, almost all office staffs have problems with their eyes and bodies. In addition, it not only has a lot of good things, but it also has a great deal of bad ones, such as violent games and sexual videos. These things will cause some nasty problems for young people who cannot protect themselves. In conclusion, since some bad effects of the Internet are easily recognized and avoided, we can control them and enjoy its wonderful benefits. I am sure that many people cannot live without the Internet.